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             Special issue: "50 years after the collapse of the  Bretton Woods international financial monetary system" 
               
Guest editors 
Laura Vidal Correa y Wesley C. Marshall 
             
        
         Just over 50 years ago,  on August 15, 1971, U.S. President Richard Nixon announced the suspension of the  convertibility of the dollar for gold; a  measure that was announced as temporary, but that would become permanent.  From that decision to the present, the historical fact continues to be immersed  in mystery and debate. Over the next half-century, some of the secrets  behind Nixon's decision have been clarified, but the debate remains far from resolved.  
            There are two extreme  positions in the economic debate. One argues that the breakup of Bretton Woods  was a crucial historical moment, the salvo that marked the real beginning of the  restoration of high finance. After breaking their "golden thread"  —the gold standard— in the turbulent end of the long nineteenth century, in the  1920s-1930s, the large and traditional global banks managed to wrest control the  largest and most important financial markets (foreign exchange and public debt) the control of nation states,  imposed during the Great Depression. Such an approach implies a historical  prominence of the most important private actors in capitalism and a clear  intention to end the Bretton Woods system in order to strengthen their  interests. 
            The position at the other  extreme of the debate alleges a historical accident, attributed to the only  American president to be forced to leave the presidential chair for his  criminal activities.  Between the  extremes of the determinism of a social group and of A historical accident lies  most economic research on the fall of Bretton Woods, which to varying degrees  attributes historical change to the determinism of the economic system. 
            At the time of the  decision and in the following decade, many economists emphasized the  deteriorating U.S. balances, arguing that twin deficits (trade and fiscal) made  the system unsustainable. The requests from England and France for payments in  gold were signs of the weakness of the system and of the position of the US,  itself debilitated by the expenses of the war in Vietnam. The mixture between a  deranged president and systemic deterioration became the conventional thinking  regarding the end of the system. 
            Such thinking has had  important critics; since the seventies, the post-Keynesians have figured as the  most important in the US and Britain, while the school of French regulation  offered answers to the economic conjuncture with greater emphasis on power  relations and the state. In Latin America, the dependentist current fully  incorporated international political conditions into its economic analysis and  gained strength along with the coups d'état in South America that would begin  with Chile just over two years after Nixon's decision. 
            With the passage of time,  issues related to the incipient world disorder were opened.  After inflation in the countries of the center  as a direct result of the devaluation of the dollar, in the eighties, the  Washington Consensus began to be imposed, first for Latin America, then for the  former Soviet bloc, later to subsume much of Asia to its policies of austerity  and financial liberalization, to finally, in less than a decade, end up plunging  the countries of the center into crisis as well. 
            Thus, while the significance  of the historical event of 1971 continues to be debated, many now recognize the  date as the end of the financial order of a system that promoted national  production over international finance, and the beginning of global financial  disorder and what would come to be called globalization. However, as it expands  its boundaries, some of the assumptions about the Bretton Woods international  financial system are increasingly called into question.  
            In particular, the idea  that the country that maintains the hegemonic currency —global or regional—  also maintains the twin deficits, has come to be accepted by many as part of the  design and not a failure of the system. It is precisely the accounting  manifestation of the power to spend without international limit, to avoid the  external restriction that the US already felt squeezed BY, according to P. Volcker,  within the Bretton Woods system. By getting rid of a consensual international  monetary system, designed to minimize imbalances in the international economy,  the US could manage "controlled disintegration" as Volcker (Volcker,  1978) also insisted. At the height of a chaotic order, the U.S. could now wage  multiple long wars without any financial constraints. 
            Precisely, what makes  today's conjuncture so interesting is that half a century later, we are faced  with the same dilemma in the appreciation of reality. Just like in 1971, there  are two narratives. On the one hand, it is argued that the current disorder is  a symptom of an empire in decline: facing the collapse of the financial system of  2007-2008, cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin have arisen, supposedly to  circumvent the dysfunctional American financial system. The opposite argument  is that the US is again not behaving like a retreating empire due to its poor  decisions and an unfavorable systemic environment but is forcing another  transition, this time to the digital economy, but just like half a century ago,  led by the strongest sectors of the system. It is in this context that this  special issue of www.olafinanciera.unam.mx is presented. 
            One of Dr. Eugenia  Correa's virtues was her ability to weave, cultivate, and maintain academic  networks. For readers of www.olafinanciera.unam.mx, this has meant a tradition of  publishing authors at the forefront of critical thinking. This special issue is  the result of one of her latest initiatives, and includes five of her esteemed colleagues,  all united by mutual respect and the same path towards a better understanding  of our world, without forgetting that the objective of these reflections is to  influence the containment of the deterioration of the living conditions of the  societies of the planet. 
            Tasked with looking back,  the five authors —all with a view from the heights of social scientific  knowledge— analyze, clarify, and nuance the half-century that has followed the collapse  of Bretton Woods. Aa we are again in a moment of great systemic changes, the  analysis of the past also invites us to look forward. Optimistically, the most  remote history will continue to reveal its secrets, as will the social forces  behind the current direction of the conjuncture of the global monetary order.  But the only certainty is that the process will be fascinating to its  observers, and we hope that this installment will serve as a lodestone to calibrate  compasses and keep criticism informed during these moments of confusion, chaos  and fear, in which it is increasingly urgent to open and maintain debate. 
                  Laura Vidal Correa y Wesley C.  Marshall  
                References 
                    
                     
                Volcker, P. (1978)  "The Political Economy of the Dollar". The Fred Hirsch Lecture.  Coventry, England; in: The Federal Reserve Bank of New York Quarterly Review 3, no. 4 (Winter  1978–79): 1–12. 
                     
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